Download a great shareware sport kid game for Windows: Hockey Pong, the best alternative to breakout games. Hockey and beer pong clearly go together. Your favorite city's hockey field on a beer pong table! Get affordable and durable beer pong tables from Party Pong Tables. LIMITED TIME OFFER; Perfect for road trips, tail gating, up at the cottage in the summer, college dorm parties, or on the beach - this piece of engineering genius is ready for any shaker, just toss it in the back of your car or truck and away you go. Aluminum Gongshow (portable) beer pong table, regulation length of 8 feet. Dec 13, 2013 Air hockey beer pong has arrived. Reddit user @presque_isle posted this photo of a modified air hockey table with holes for beer cups. It's a genius move.
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This article is from the archive of our partner. Alcohol-favoring bros are abuzz this morning with the newest import from Canada, 'Alco-hockey.' The Imgur photo Friday morning as 'the Canadian variation of beer pong,' and from there. Fawning writers quickly billed it as a 'better beer pong' () and a 'total game changer' (), championing the union of two great wonders of the world: cheap beer and air hockey. That unabashed excitement for a drinking game upgrade was the as well. But upon closer review, alco-hockey falls decidedly short of 'next best thing in drinking games' status.
For those who loves hockey and ping pong our game - just a godsend. You can enjoy two kinds of games at once, combined in one.
In fact, it looks like a waste of a good air hockey table. Alco-hockey fails the basic test of drinking games: It requires too much concentration, it's anti-social, and it just won't work logistically. Here's five reasons why alco-hockey won't ever catch on: Note the ball-less team's casual stance ( AP Photo). Needs more brainless – Beer pong is a simple game for simple minds.
You and a partner take a ping pong ball. You toss it into an arrangement of cups. If it goes in, they drink.
If you miss, the other team scrambles to get the ball. Then it's their turn to shoot. This is not a criticism; beer pong's greatest asset is its pure simplicity and ease of access.
You shoot, and then you wait, and then shoot again. You don't have to be particularly coordinated (read: sober) to be able to play adequately. Alco-hockey, meanwhile, requires constant concentration and deft hand-eye movements. Air hockey itself is already difficult enough with just one goal to defend; six goals is downright impossible. It would be like playing beer pong from a foot away, as almost every shot would go in. A good drinking game mixes good-time chugging with something approaching a real challenge. Alco-hockey seems like it would result in a constant barrage of drinking.
And when you're sipping PBR, Natty Light, or (heaven-forbid) Genny Light, constantly drinking doesn't sound quite so appealing. No partners – How would you fit two players on an air hockey table? There isn't enough space for each to have their own swinging mallet, and the fear of smashed hands makes this game best played mono a mono. So for binge-drinking introverts, this game's for you.
At a packed house party, it's hard to imagine it would work. Wet pucks don't move – Where alco-hockey really falls apart is the logistics. After falling in the beer-filled cups, the puck will be too wet to slide along the table's surface.
A towel would fix that, or a dirty pant leg, but wiping down the puck every turn sounds like the least fun, most annoying activity ever. And a sticky table is equally bad.
It's not 'pong' at all. As on Twitter, not every drinking game is another version of beer pong. It's simple, really: No ping pong ball, no 'pong' in the name. Is an upgraded version of beer pong? Of course not.
They aren't upgrades of beer pong, they are just different drinking games. Alco-hockey might be another drinking game, but it certainly is not an upgrade on beer pong. ( AP Photo) 5. Air hockey itself is more fun.
– You can turn any normal game into a drinking contest without changing the basic rules. But cutting out cup-sized holes in the air hockey table, the at a very fundamental level, and not for the better. Look at how great of a time German politician Volker Bouffier is having with regular air hockey! Air hockey is fun. Drinking (in reasonable amounts) is fun. There is a simpler, much better way to get drunk combining these two that doesn't require handyman skills.
Just drink from a beer off to the side after each goal on a regulation table, people. You'll need to use the table as a bed at 2 A.M. Better that it doesn't have holes drilled into it, damaging the structural integrity. This article is from the archive of our partner The Wire. On Monday morning the conservative-media world woke up to in National Review on the Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin. The outburst might seem a textbook case of the narcissism of petty differences within the conservative world.
Both the author of the denunciation, Charles C. Cooke, and its target, Rubin, are right-leaning skeptics of Donald Trump.
What on earth could they be arguing about? And does it matter? I think it does—a lot. Cooke criticizes Rubin—a friend of mine, but one with whom I’ve from time to time —for taking her opposition to Trump too far. “If Trump likes something, Rubin doesn’t.
If he does something, she opposes it. If his agenda flits into alignment with hers—as anyone’s is wont to do from time to time—she either ignores it, or finds a way to downplay it. The result is farcical and sad.”.
Can training the mind make us more attentive, altruistic, and serene? Can we learn to manage our disturbing emotions in an optimal way? What are the transformations that occur in the brain when we practice meditation? In a new book titled, two friends—Matthieu Ricard, who left a career as a molecular biologist to become a Buddhist monk in Nepal, and Wolf Singer, a distinguished neuroscientist—engage in an unusually well-matched conversation about meditation and the brain. Below is a condensed and edited excerpt. Matthieu Ricard: Although one finds in the Buddhist literature many treatises on “traditional sciences”—medicine, cosmology, botanic, logic, and so on—Tibetan Buddhism has not endeavored to the same extent as Western civilizations to expand its knowledge of the world through the natural sciences. Rather it has pursued an exhaustive investigation of the mind for 2,500 years and has accumulated, in an empirical way, a wealth of experiential findings over the centuries.
A great number of people have dedicated their whole lives to this contemplative science. 2017 was an excellent year for film, probably the best since 2013.
As often seems to be the case—including —I wrestled for a while with two contenders for best film of the year before one ultimately emerged as my clear favorite. The bigger surprise, perhaps, is that numbers three (especially), four, and five didn’t feel as though they were far behind. Unlike many years, when I’ve included at least one big-budget blockbuster, I didn’t this year, in part because there were several that might have been good enough— War for the Planet of the Apes, Wonder Woman, Logan, etc.—but not one that stood out clearly above the rest. As for smaller films, there are two, Lady Bird and Call Me by Your Name, that I liked, but clearly not as much as many other critics. And, as always, there are inevitably movies that I didn’t see, in particular some foreign films and documentaries. For a change, I stuck to a top-10 list and, by consequence, allowed myself an unusually large number of honorable mentions.
After that, as always, come my more idiosyncratic awards. Updated on December 20 at 12:45 a.m. ET As Speaker Paul Ryan brought the gavel down on House passage of a $1.5 trillion tax cut on Tuesday, a raucous cheer went up among the 227 Republicans who voted for it. It was an outburst of celebration, and of defiance—of the economists who disputed their fiscal claims, of the Democrats who assailed their morality, and of the polls suggesting that Republicans had just voted themselves back into the political abyss. The Senate followed suit on a 51-48, party-line vote after midnight on Wednesday. Once the final House vote occurs later on Wednesday, the GOP will have made good on one of its central promises, delivering a steep reduction in taxes for corporations and small business owners, and a more modest one to millions of individuals and families. The law will nearly double the standard deduction and the child tax credit, and in an unexpected digression into health-care policy, it will eliminate the Affordable Care Act’s individual insurance mandate.
But if this bill is President Trump’s $1.5 trillion Christmas gift to America, it’s a present the public does not appear to want. Although it’s impossible to say for sure, Trofim Lysenko probably killed more human beings than any individual scientist in history.
Other dubious scientific achievements have cut thousands upon thousands of lives short: dynamite, poison gas, atomic bombs. But Lysenko, a Soviet biologist, condemned perhaps millions of people to starvation through bogus agricultural research—and did so without hesitation. Only guns and gunpowder, the collective product of many researchers over several centuries, can match such carnage. Having grown up desperately poor at the turn of the 20th century, Lysenko believed wholeheartedly in the promise of the communist revolution.
So when the doctrines of science and the doctrines of communism clashed, he always chose the latter—confident that biology would conform to ideology in the end. It never did. But in a twisted way, that commitment to ideology has helped salvage Lysenko’s reputation today.
Because of his hostility toward the West, and his mistrust of Western science, he’s currently enjoying a revival in his homeland, where anti-American sentiment runs strong. An unscripted moment in foreign affairs can be a dangerous thing, which is why entire bureaucratic apparatuses exist. And even the most on-message president can slip up and cause an international incident, whether it’s Ronald Reagan into a hot mic that “we begin bombing [the Soviet Union] in five minutes,” a brief red alert of Soviet forces, or Barack Obama referring to “Polish death camps” and for seeming to conflate the occupied Poles with the Nazis. The more spontaneous interactions a president has, the greater the chances for the dreaded gaffe, which is why the president’s Twitter feed has been known to cause heartburn among U.S.
National-security professionals. Trump relies not just on national-security and media-relations teams to craft anodyne public statements, but also on his ability to communicate directly with the world via the internet. But there’s a cost to this freedom.
Since he became president in January, some of his tweets have caused his administration legal problems; others have resulted in full-blown diplomatic incidents. In some cases, his Cabinet officials have tried to articulate U.S. Policy to allies and adversaries alike, only to be undercut by a conflicting tweet from the president. President Trump’s corporate tax cuts will likely generate enormous deficits, even if the administration’s rosiest economic forecasts come true, setting Republicans up to claim that the time has come to cut Social Security, Medicare, and welfare to reduce the expected $1 trillion deficit, created by those very tax cuts, over the next 10 years. Speaker of the House Paul Ryan has already announced that the GOP plans to cut federal health care and anti-poverty programs because of a deficit that his party is about to balloon. “We’re going to have to get back next year at entitlement reform,” he said on a talk-radio show, “which is how you tackle the debt and the deficit.” This is exactly how what President Ronald Reagan’s budget director, David Stockman, called “starving the beast” works.
By creating a fiscal straitjacket through lower taxes, conservatives leave Washington with less money and raise the specter of deficits damaging the economy as a rationale to take away the benefits that millions of Americans depend on. If they are not fiscally conservative right now, they can be when it comes time to talk about spending on the poor and disadvantaged.
While the right usually encounters a fierce backlash whenever they try to retrench specific federal benefits, as the GOP recently discovered with their failed attempt to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, cutting budgets in the name of deficit reduction has traditionally offered a less toxic mechanism for achieving the same goal. O ne day last summer, around noon, I called Athena, a 13-year-old who lives in Houston, Texas. She answered her phone—she’s had an iPhone since she was 11—sounding as if she’d just woken up. We chatted about her favorite songs and TV shows, and I asked her what she likes to do with her friends.
“We go to the mall,” she said. “Do your parents drop you off?,” I asked, recalling my own middle-school days, in the 1980s, when I’d enjoy a few parent-free hours shopping with my friends. “No—I go with my family,” she replied. “We’ll go with my mom and brothers and walk a little behind them. I just have to tell my mom where we’re going. I have to check in every hour or every 30 minutes.” Those mall trips are infrequent—about once a month.
More often, Athena and her friends spend time together on their phones, unchaperoned. Unlike the teens of my generation, who might have spent an evening tying up the family landline with gossip, they talk on Snapchat, the smartphone app that allows users to send pictures and videos that quickly disappear. They make sure to keep up their Snapstreaks, which show how many days in a row they have Snapchatted with each other. Sometimes they save screenshots of particularly ridiculous pictures of friends.
“It’s good blackmail,” Athena said. (Because she’s a minor, I’m not using her real name.) She told me she’d spent most of the summer hanging out alone in her room with her phone. That’s just the way her generation is, she said. “We didn’t have a choice to know any life without iPads or iPhones. I think we like our phones more than we like actual people.”.
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